The Getches-Wilkinson Center and the Getches-Green Clinic Defend the Antiquities Act

Bears Ears. Photo credit: Chris Winter/Getches-Wilkinson Center

Click the link to read the article on the Getches-Wilikinson Center website (Chris Winter):

January 24, 2024

The Getches-Wilkinson Center and the Getches-Green Clinic recently teamed up with 29 law professors from around the country to submit an important amicus curiae brief in a case that could undermine the integrity of the Antiquities Act.

In 2021, President Biden issued two proclamations restoring Bears Ears and Grand-Staircase Escalante National Monuments in southern Utah. Both landscapes are rich in cultural, ecological, and paleontological objects that reflect millennia of human occupation and provide a living laboratory for scientific study. Professor Charles Wilkinson played a key role in the work that led to the original designation of both monuments, and scholars from the University of Colorado Law School have advanced the study of the Antiquities Act for many years.

The State of Utah and other parties challenged President Biden’s proclamations in the District of Utah, alleging that the President designated ineligible objects and protected too much federal public land in creating the monuments. The district court dismissed the lawsuit holding that there was no right to judicial review of a monument proclamation. The plaintiffs appealed the case to the 10th Circuit Court of Appeals.

Chris Winter, Executive Director of GWC, and Sarah Matsumoto, Director of the Getches-Green Clinic, worked on the amicus brief, which was signed by 29 environmental law professors from across the country. The law professors encouraged the 10th Circuit to refine the district court’s approach to judicial review of monument proclamations to align with how the D.C. Circuit court has addressed the issue. The D.C. Circuit Court allows for a limited form of facial review to ensure that the President acted within the authority delegated to the office by Congress. Here, it is clear that President Biden’s proclamations should be upheld under this limited form of review as a valid exercise of Presidential discretion.

Prof. Mark Squillace, Raphael J. Moses Professor of Law at Colorado Law School, and John Leshy, Distinguished Professor Emeritus, University of California College of the Law San Francisco, contributed extensive time and energy to the effort. We are also grateful for the key assistance of the clinical students – Lizzie Bird, Mariah Bowman, and Mike McCarthy.

You can also read a Bloomberg article discussing the amicus brief here.  

The Pagosa Area Water & Sanitation District votes to increase rates, capital investment fees: New rages and fees take effect March 1, 2024 — The #PagosaSprings Sun

Wastewater Treatment Process

Click the link to read the article on the Pagosa Springs Sun website (Josh Pike). Here’s an excerpt:

At its Feb. 15 meeting, the Pagosa Area Water and Sanitation District (PAWSD) Board of Directors voted to raise fees and rates for 2024 in accordance with the rate study by Stantec that the board approved at its Dec. 14, 2023, meeting. The board voted to increase the monthly service charge per equivalent unit (EU) by 3 percent, going from $31.44 in 2023 to $32.38 in 2024. The monthly service charge per EU for wastewater was voted to increase by 30 percent from $32.80 in 2023 to $42.64 in 2024. Short-term rentals (STRs) will be charged 140 percent of the wastewater rate, according to the fee schedule approved by the board.

The capital investment fee (CIF) for water increased from $5,352.37 in 2023 to $8,958, and the wastewater CIF increased from $1,178.98 in 2023 to $15,697 in 2024, according to the fee schedule.

Other fees, such as availability fees, dumping fees for septic haulers and water fill station fees also increased, with the increases matching the percentage increase in water rates for water-related fees and the percentage increase in wastewater rates for wastewater-related fees.

The new rates and fees will take effect March 1.

2024 #COleg: Should #Colorado tell counties how to review renewable projects? — Allen Best (@BigPivots) #ActOnClimate

The Crossing Trails Wind Farm between Kit Carson and Seibert, about 150 miles east of Denver, has an installed capacity of 104 megawatts, which goes to Tri-State Generation and Transmission. Photo/Allen Best

Click the link to read the article on the Big Pivots website (Allen Best):

February 23, 2024

A bill being readied for introduction in March would create a state standard for review of renewable energy projects by Colorado jurisdictions. Is this really needed?

A bill creating statewide standards for local governments in Colorado evaluating renewable energy projects is likely to be introduced in coming days or weeks. Is this a solution in search of a problem?

Very few local governments in Colorado have adopted regulations seen as onerous by energy developers. Pueblo County several years ago rejected a solar farm based on neighborhood opposition. They feared loss of views. Mesa County in January adopted a six-month moratorium on new utility-scale solar projects with the active support of at least one local solar company. Delta County commissioners at first rejected a solar farm on Garnett Mesa but the proponents made changes more acceptable to neighbors.

Colorado’s counties have not been hard-nosed about renewable energy. That point was made by State Sen. Byron Pelton, a former Logan County commissioner who represents much of northeastern Colorado and has a small cow-calf operation near Sterling.

In an op-ed published in the print edition of The Denver Post on Feb. 4 (not available online), he took a swing at the “Democrat majority and radical environmentalists” who would usurp local control in regulating renewable energy siting.

“Most proposed renewable energy projects are approved, and when proposals are denied, it’s for good reason,” wrote Pelton. “Those reasons range from environmental impact concerns and impact on agriculture and wildlife to inadequate benefits for the host community.”

Boulder County, he pointed out, led the way in using moratoriums to address local concerns.

“They imposed a five-year moratorium on oil and gas, giving them time to contemplate the best path forward for their community. None of the moratoriums imposed on renewable energy development have come anywhere close to approaching five years.”

On the same day Pelton’s op/ed was in the Denver Post, USA Today published a story: “US counties are blocking the future of renewable.”

“At least 15% of counties in the US have effectively halted new utility-scale wind, solar or both,” the newspaper reported. The limits come in the form of outright bans, moratoriums, construction impediments and other conditions that make green energy difficult to build.”

The newspaper reported that 375 counties blocked new wind developments in the past decade compared to 183 counties who got them. Many were in Tennessee, North Carolina, and Kentucky, but also in Vermont. Maps published with the story show a couple of counties with wind restrictions on Colorado’s eastern plains, and several on the Western Slope, which have far less wind value. The chart also shows solar restrictions in several Colorado counties but provides no detail.

One common requirement in zoning rules intended to block new wind farms specifies the height of a turbine relative to adjacent property lines. Most new wind turbines in the U.S. are 500 feet or taller. Some counties require setbacks of 1,320 feet, 1,500 feet, a mile or, in some cases, 3 miles.

Colorado Public Radio in a Feb. 8 story reported that State Sen. Chris Hansen, D-Denver, said he intended to introduce a bill that would create a standardized process for local governments considering renewable energy projects. CPR’s Sam Brasch reported that an early draft of the bill also identified rules to restrict development of wind and solar farms and also transmission lines.

Hansen yesterday confirmed that he intends to introduce the bill in March.

A flashpoint for this lies in Washington County, which is in Pelton’s district. While county commissioners in Akron have welcomed the Colorado Power Pathway that crosses the county’s southern section, the county in 2021 also approved some of the state’s toughest regulations on renewable energy projects. CPR says those regulations require one-mile spacing between structures and new wind turbines.

The CPR story also cites a study from the Sabin Center for Climate Change Law that found local governments across 34 states have approved at least 228 restrictions on renewable energy development.

New York, California, and Illinois adopted legislation similar to that being drafted by Hansen to limit local control over renewable energy projects.

Ignoring an Inconvenient #ColoradoRiver Basin Risk — John Fleck (InkStain.net) #COriver #aridification

Sometimes all we can do is sit and watch and wonder. Credit: John Fleck/InkStain

Click the link to read the article on the InkStain website (John Fleck):

It is agonizing to watch this, but here we are.

With efforts by the Colorado River Basin states to craft an agreement to share the river’s water skidding, brakes screeching, toward a cliff, we appear on the brink of repeating the disastrous mistake the authors of the Colorado River Compact made a century ago: ignoring inconvenient truths about the risks we face, washing away genuine uncertainties with convenient talking points.

As Eric Kuhn carefully documented in a post here [February 22, 2024], there is once again a genuine risk that we will ignore inconvenient truths about a huge uncertainty in our understanding of how much water the river can offer us, and for whom. We are pretending that an uncertainty literally at the scale of millions of acre feet in how we measure and manage water does not exist.

Resource: A freight train of thoughts about the Colorado River — Allen Best (Big Pivots)

Becky Mitchell. Photo credit: Allen Best/Big Pivots

A masterful Upper Colorado River Basin public relations blitz, led by the Colorado Water Conservation Board, would have us believe one set of numbers about the river’s future, a set of numbers that has given Upper Basin water users comfort that they can sit tight and blame others for the river’s woes.

But as Eric’s analysis showed, there are hidden assumptions behind the Upper Basin’s numbers – assumptions that hide a genuine and irreducible uncertainty. The uncertainty is irreducible because more than a century after the adoption of the Colorado River Compact, there is still no agreed upon definition of how to measure the use of water. As Eric wrote, these are questions “with enormous potential impacts on the allocation and distribution of the shrinking Colorado River – questions we have avoided dealing with by draining the Basin’s reservoirs. We no longer have that option.”

ARITHMETIC AND LAW

Eric is a master of the arcane and wonky details of the interface between Colorado River law and hydrology, and I commend you to his analysis – it rewards a careful read. But Eric once described my role in our collaboration as “dewonkifying”, so let me try to put this in simpler terms.

The 1922 Colorado River Compact based its allocations on “beneficial consumptive use”. But the phrase was never defined, and the definitions ended up bitterly contested in the decades that followed. It remains undefined to this day. Or rather, there are two competing definitions that yield very different results.

Each definition makes intuitive sense, and at first glance they look puzzlingly similar. But at the scale of the Colorado River Basin they yield very different results that have become a critical piece of the current basin management debate.

Method A is based on the collective amount of water communities take from the river, minus the amount they return – “diversions less return flows.”

Method B is based on the ultimate impact of that use on the Colorado River downstream of the use – for the Upper Basin, for example, at Lee Ferry, or for Arizona at the confluence of the Gila and the Colorado near Yuma. This is the “stream depletion theory”.

Those might sound so similar that the differences are trivial. And at localized scales they are. But, as Eric explained in yesterday’s post, with a classically Eric Kuhn working out of the mathematical details (I love collaborating with this guy – he shows his work!) at the scale of the Lower Colorado River Basin the differences amount to nearly 2 million acre feet of water.

Under Method A, Lower Basin use is more than 10.1 million acre feet per year, well above its Colorado River Compact allocation of 8.5 million acre feet. This is the methodology the Colorado Water Conservation Board staff used in its now-famous PowerPoint slide purporting to demonstrate that the  Lower Basin is using more than its legally allotted share of the Colorado.

But under Method B, Lower Basin use is some 8.3 million acre feet – less than its Compact allocation. Importantly, Method B is the method adopted by the Upper Basin Compact, and therefore the method used in the Upper Basin’s management of its share of the river.

LET’S BE HONEST ABOUT THE UNCERTAINTIES

To be clear, Eric and I are not arguing in favor of or B. We are arguing, as we did in our book Science be Dammed(we spent chunks of three chapters on this question), that the lack of an agreement over the definition of “beneficial consumptive use” remains a genuine and important unresolved uncertainty in the Law of the River, and our discussions of the future management of the Colorado River need to acknowledge that uncertainty, not pretend that it does not exist.

This is what I, as a stakeholder whose community depends on the Colorado River, expect of those leading the interstate effort – public honesty about the genuine risks and uncertainties we face.

“New plot using the nClimGrid data, which is a better source than PRISM for long-term trends. Of course, the combined reservoir contents increase from last year, but the increase is less than 2011 and looks puny compared to the ‘hole’ in the reservoirs. The blue Loess lines subtly change. Last year those lines ended pointing downwards. This year they end flat-ish. 2023 temps were still above the 20th century average, although close. Another interesting aspect is that the 20C Mean and 21C Mean lines on the individual plots really don’t change much. Finally, the 2023 Natural Flows are almost exactly equal to 2019. (17.678 maf vs 17.672 maf). For all the hoopla about how this was record-setting year, the fact is that this year was significantly less than 2011 (20.159 maf) and no different than 2019” — Brad Udall